The horror film of capitalism (additional notes)

The horror film of capitalism (additional notes)
 
 
 
Editorial note: written a couple of years ago, this article describes the daily hell reserved for the enormous number of social victims of the current exploitation system.
Poor food, lack of medical care, extended retirement age, widespread precariousness. Capitalism, confirming the law of growing misery at every step, reserves a destiny of deprivation and suffering to enormous sections of the population. Yet it seems that the social victims of the demented capitalist mechanism do not even have the strength to elaborate a critical thought, or a draft of resistance to the reality that oppresses them. After the defeats suffered with the Stalinist counter-revolution in Russia, and with Nazism, fascism, Francoism, Salazarism, iron guard, and the like in the rest of Europe, with the current addition of substitute demofascist political regimes, a majority part of the proletariat she is prostrate and unable to defend even her most elementary immediate interests. As an example the case of the pension reform, passed without protests in December 2011, or the jobs act and the school reform, administered by the PD-led governments to social groups substantially resigned to the worst. We would almost like to draw a comparison between the substantial inertia of social victims, in the face of the blows inflicted on them by the system, and the feeling of the shipwreck, typical of the artistic and philosophical current of existentialism. On the other hand, when the proletariat, or rather its vanguard, has moved and fought for its immediate interests, as happened two years ago in France, then the state apparatus on the one hand, and the political-union leadership from the on the other hand, they are regularly activated to defuse the threat. Obviously this disengagement would not be easy to achieve in the face of a large-scale recovery of the class conflict. Yet without a new season of social struggles, producer of new trade union organizations, or the famous tread in sitting at the opportunist leaderships of existing organizations, it will not even be able to ask the question of the leadership of the movement by the party. As we have just reread in points nine and ten of the thirty-one points, the invariant Marxist theory, alias the historical party, always exists, regardless of the contingent retreat situations of the struggle. The task of the necessarily few militants acting within the formal party is to resist on the backbone of the historical party, that is of the knowledge gained with the previous class struggles. This knowledge is the presupposition from which the guiding principles of the communist program derive. To question those tactical and strategic principles means to throw away the theory born in the course of history. Rejecting the lessons of history, as a teacher of life, we set off towards bitter disappointments.Just as happened to the prophets of the new course, and as it still happens to the unrepentant and inexperienced exalters of the middle class movements, the class syndicate, the topicality of national issues, the communism already existing within the factory regime, the weakening of the states, of bourgeois science, of the unique hegemonic imperialism, of the autonomous capital from the states, and so on by fantasizing. This is called catching fireflies for lanterns. A small thought is a must to dedicate it to the scientists, to point out once again (read Origin and function) that Marxism incorporates in itself the research methods of modern experimental science, however it includes all the millennial human knowledge, so it is reductive and therefore wrong to believe that contemporary science and Marxism coincide. Instead the Marxist critique reveals the functional relationship between science, technology and military-industrial complex. So one thing is the use of research methods in modern science, another account is the uncritical acceptance of scientific discoveries functional to the system. Who moves on the second floor still fails to understand that the research is mainly oriented, and funded, by the system and therefore its purpose can only be the preservation of the same. As such modern science is bourgeois, so it is not conceivable in any way to hypothesize capitulations of it to Marxism. Whoever supports these hypotheses is in grave error, ultimately it is he who has capitulated before the dominant thought. The individual scientific ‘discoveries’, even those that are more theoretical and far from immediate conversion into technological applications for the capitalist apparatus, actually become functional elements of the system over time. Just think of the discoveries of modern physics, which have been converted into nuclear power plants and atomic bombs, or to Tesla’s discoveries and their connection with the current wireless communications technology typical of smartphones. If we read the knowledge reports held by Bordiga in 1960, we will inevitably find that the “science” of the communist society, past or future, is first of all defined for its non-duality, it is characterized by the overcoming of the typical dualisms of societies divided into classes (thought and matter, knowing subject and known object, individual and society, soul and body …). The bourgeois science, although in the more sophisticated and abstract fields of theoretical physics contains confirmations (theoretical and experimental) of the millennial knowledge of species (as recognized in the article in memory of Einstein), it is however always a research system essentially at the service of the capitalist apparatus (apparatus = symbiosis of structure and superstructure). Both Engels and Lenin, in good company with our current, have correctly described science as a research tending to the truth, not as absolute determinism or absolute truth. Scientific research, based on previous experimentally verified discoveries, attempts to shed light on aspects that are still unknown to reality. According to Engels, however, man can never number the innumerable. This means that science is research that tends to be true, not omniscience. Marxism, as knowledge of the economic-social laws of capitalism, is not an absolute sui generis truth, but an invariant knowledge of an invariant economic-social organism in its essential features. Advanced cognitive approximation, not faith dogma. We expect that the calm and sensible reflections that we often offer to the scientists, but also to the trade unionist-classists, the movementists and the fatalist-collapsed will be completely ignored, but that’s okay, maybe it will be life to teach someone who, with the its theoretical errors, it allows us to usefully measure the conditioning force of the dominant ideology.

The horror film…

Young people condemned by the system to precarious, underpaid, exploited jobs. Old people forced to work beyond the physiological limits, exhausted, worn out, exploited. And yet little moves on the level of social and political opposition against the progressive degradation reserved by the system to its slaves. Year 2017: powerslave, a slave to power, the condition in which the majority of humans live. A slave to a power embodied in the monopoly of the means of production by a parasitic social class, a class which condemns the rest of men to degradation in order to preserve its privilege. Capitalism: a horror film made of environmental catastrophes and social catastrophes, where the growth of unemployment and therefore of misery, condemns billions of human beings to forms of existence at the limits of biological survival and brutalization. A system, however, functional to a privileged minority, which thanks to the exclusive monopoly of the means of production, communication, and state apparatuses, derives an ephemeral advantage from the degradation of the rest of the human species (in a merciless competition of parasitism between power apparatuses bourgeois state, continually launched in the race to control energy resources and proletarian masses to be enslaved). Capitalism synthesizes in its existence the anti-life in its purest form, the dementia of production aimed at profit at all costs, an industry that produces mountains of useless goods (while a part of the human species crack with hunger and disease), threatening finally the same fundamental ecosystem to life. Some people with common sense recognize the veracity of these considerations, but the daily life of the multitudes is experienced in the prison of immediate concerns (especially how to make ends meet), and consequently (very often) the inability to conceive the removal of the cause prevails of those concerns (capitalism), and the difficulty of fighting for its overcoming. In a recent interview a worker describes his condition of life (obviously common to hundreds of millions of proletarians). A condition made of constraints and privations, extended to the limits of pure biological survival.
The earned income barely allows the coverage of essential expenses, forcing this worker and other multitudes of unfortunates to eat poor food, renounce to medical care, deprive themselves of heating, live with less than the bare minimum. Finally this condition of misery (widespread) simply reduces the average life time, causing the early death of hundreds of millions of human beings.
The new members associated with the condition of poverty (increasing proletarianization and increasing poverty) seek to save themselves by depriving themselves of services or means previously available. The car, the holidays, the trips, a dinner in a pizzeria, new clothes and shoes, theater and cinema, various services. Food is bought where it costs less, or you take advantage of discount offers on items with a tight deadline. While a part of society is a show of wealth and leads to obscene hedonistic lifestyles, reserve overpopulation and mass misery grow. The collective blunting on these socio-economic dynamics is achieved with the daily nonsense of the mass media circus. A varied catalog of weapons of mass distraction, which is not the case now to list. The current starvation wages of many young workers (apprentices, interns, project workers) simply imply the consequence of a life in which these unfortunates go to work, eat poor food, sleep, and finally struggle to recover their energy to return exploit, yet another day, in the corporate jails of the capital. The income received does not allow them to spend anything on hobbies, culture or leisure. The worker, at the end of the interview, states that in the condition of poverty the feeling of being as in a vegetative state is felt, earners of an income able to barely make us eat and pay some essential expense. A condition of horror film, to which many become accustomed as one can get used to a daily poison that shortens the life of those who ingest it. For now without the hope of a change, without a flicker of rebellion, just like animals brought to slaughter.

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